“For fully ten minutes the bullets were hissing near my ears. . .” : A Virginian remembers the fighting at Crampton’s Gapp

Philip F. Brown

                             

On September 14, 1862, the 12th Virginia Infantry of  Mahone’s Brigade, commanded by Colonel William Parham, was in position along the Mountain Church Road at the base of South Mountain. Within the lines of this regiment was Philip C. Brown serving in Company C. He would write a reminiscence of his experience in the war, first, as a series of articles in a local newspaper and then in book form that was published in 1917. The following is an excerpt from this book. In it he describes the aftermath of the fighting at 2nd Manassas as he works to rejoin his regiment after guarding the baggage not carried into battle, the march into Maryland, and the fighting at Crampton’s Gap.   Brown would be severely wounded in the arm and taken prisoner as Federal forces sweep up the mountain side.  Brown begins with camp being set up following the Battle of 2nd Manassas.


" When night came on we were not close enough to the battlefield to be disturbed by the wounded. It was a lonely vigil that Sidney Jones, Gus Durphy and I had that memorable night.  Before going to sleep, I deemed it wise to save a few coals for a fire next morning as we had used the only match in our party to start our evening fire. In raking up the ashes to cover the coals some cartridges accidently were caught up, and their explosion burnt my right thumb and singed my eyebrows.
We made our breakfast of hardtack, boiled in a tin cup, with a small piece of bacon, a dish that had become famous on the march, and known as “cush.” After turning over to the wagon train the belongings that were left with us the evening before, we started off to overtake our command. In doing so we saw the horrors of the evening previous. The ambulance corps of the enemy had been given permission to enter our lines, and care for their dead and wounded. The fields and roadway were strewn with them, and many sickening sights were seen. In several places the limbs and heads had been severed from the body by the artillery wheels, or mashed into a mangled mass by the hoofs of the cavalry trampling over them. At other places we counted where more than thirty bullets had struck a tree of not more than eight inches diameter, and in the height of a man. It was two days before we could overtake our command, as the line of battle before night had been pushed several miles from the point of first attack, and the regiment had one day start of us.

When we camped on Goose Creek, a few miles from Leesburg, John Pritchard and I obtained permission to go into town to provide a few articles for our mess, and, as it was nearly sunset when we left, it was understood that our return would be next morning. After purchasing tobacco and a small quantity of sugar and coffee, we sought rest on the lawn of a beautiful mansion, and were soon in a sound slumber, from which we were awakened by the music of several regimental bands passing through the town at the head of their commands. We little dreamed that ours was among the number, but so it was, and we marched off to overtake it. We forded the Potomac at Williams’ crossing (I think that was the name) about 10 A. M., and after dark arrived on the banks of Monocacy River, and still we had not overtaken our regiment. We were afraid to venture in the water not knowing its depth, and the September nights were growing cool. Leaving the road and entering the tall timber along the banks, we came to a stop, where we found many others were halted in a like manner. At last we found a suitable resting place. I took the precaution to unbuckle my bayonet belt, and pass it under my head for pillow, the bayonet scabbard under my rubber cloth. We were so exhausted from our long day’s march that our sleep must have been very sound, for, when I awakened, the sun was up, and my head flat on the ground. My belt had been unbuckled, and the bundle, containing coffee, sugar and tobacco, was stolen from under my head. Did I grow angry? Well, if my dear comrade, John Pritchard, is still alive, I would like for him to answer this! Fortunately for my sense of honor, no money had been given me to buy these articles, and the loss was, therefore, all my own.
Without a mouthful of breakfast we forded the stream; it was not deep, and we trudged along the dusty road and during the morning came to another point of the same river, where the railroad crossed on an iron bridge, and found it was being destroyed by some artillery command, to prevent its use by the enemy. Before night we were once more in the ranks of our own command, and felt a great relief. Very strict orders had been given by General Lee, that no property of any kind should be disturbed in passing through the enemy’s country, and, as our own wagon train was some distance in the rear, our rations were cut very short. Apples and green corn (when it could be had) were our principal diet. We passed through Frederick City on the morning of September 12, 1862, and the Twelfth Virginia made a handsome spectacle, as we marched through the streets, open order, arms resting on knapsacks. By this maneouvre [sic] four men abreast extended across the street, and caused our force to look much larger than it really was. Our next stopping point was the little town of Burkettsville, where we rested over night, and Saturday marched through Crampton’s Gap, in South Mountain, and camped in Pleasant Valley.

Sunday, September 14th, we received orders to retrace our march, re-crossing South Mountain, to defend the Gap against Franklin’s Corps, which was aiming to relieve the siege of Harper’s Ferry. I was nearly a mile from camp hunting for milk and bread, when I heard the drum corps beating the “long roll” and had to run fast to be in line when my name was called. The 12th was under the command of Lieutenant Col. Field, as Lieutenant Col. Fielding Taylor, though ill, was on the firing line and received a mortal wound. John Crow, of the Rifles, saved Col. Taylor’s gold-head cane by sticking it in the muzzle of his rifle as he retreated up the mountain.

All this was learned after my return from the North. I also learned that Leslie Spence, Ned Aikin, Captain Patterson and John Laughton were wounded same evening. General Thomas T. Munford, now eighty-six years old, living at “Oakland, ” near Union Town, Ala., on March 8, 1917, wrote me the following: “When I opened your letter, the Crampton’s Gap Fight, where you gave your blood, came back to me like a flash of lightning, revivifying the scenes that developed there as General Franklin moved out to attack the Gap.”I had orders to hold, with ten times our numbers visible. “To-day those scenes are forgotten, except by the handful who witnessed them — that campaign was  written in blood — as precious as soldiers could furnish, and General Lee’s audacity as a great soldier was never crowned more brilliantly.”

As we descended the mountain, we could see in the distance clouds of dust rising above the trees on the several roads leading to this point. Such an ominous sight made us feel that in a few hours a battle would be fought. I have never known how the 6th, 16th and 41st regiments were placed along the base of the mountain. I only know that the 12th was where the road diverged, right and left at the base. We were deployed eight feet apart; in order to extend our line as far as possible. We were behind a rail fence, with just enough distance from the road to lie down at full length, and rest our rifles on a low rail, where good aim could be taken. I suppose we were in position nearly as hour before the enemy’s advance column appeared in our front. About two hundred yards distant was another rail fence, a freshly fallowed field lying between us. We had strict orders not to fire until the enemy was in good rifle range. For fully ten or fifteen minutes after arriving at the point mentioned, they hesitated to make a charge on us. Finally a great cheering, as if greeting some welcome reinforcements, swelled along the line, and over the fence they clambered, and started for us at double quick time. When they had advanced about fifty yards, a deadly rifle fire hurled them back, leaving a line of killed and wounded. By the time they reached the point from which they started, another volley was poured into them. From these two opposite points, a desultory fire was kept for some time. Then another great cheering (more fresh troops) and over the fence they came again. I was in the act of firing my rifle when the cheering commenced [sic] ; and, seeing an officer with his hat lifted on the point of his sword, as he mounted the fence, I took deliberate aim, but the smoke of my rifle prevented my seeing what effect it had. I do know, however, that they moved only a few feet before they doubled back, and kept up their fire from behind the fence.

In the meantime, a battery of artillery in our rear was delivering a plunging fire of shot and shell into their ranks. Their force outnumbered our own so greatly that while we were holding them back in our front, they had lapped around our right and left for some distance ; when at a given signal they made a desperate rush upon our line. Though we popped our rifles as rapidly as possible, it seemed evident that we would soon be overwhelmed. When they were about twenty yards distant I was shot in the left arm, about three inches below the elbow, the bullet passing between the two bones, then through the elbow joint, and lodged in the muscle of the arm. I do not know whether it was the excitement, or what, but I felt no more pain at the time than if a brush had hit me; but the blood trickling to my finger tips, and the utter uselessness of or inability to move the arm, made me realize that it was broken, and before the enemy reached the fence I pulled myself into the road.

At this moment Cobb’s Georgians came to our relief, and enabled all who could, to escape, for they halted the enemy at the fence from which we had, only a few minutes before, been firing at them. While lying in the wheel rut of this road, with the Yankee guns not more than ten feet to my left, my face resting on my blood covered hand, I could not help thinking of the shocking sights seen after the battle of Manassas, for should a battery of artillery or a squadron of cavalry move I would be ground or trampled into an unrecognizable mass.

For fully ten minutes the bullets were hissing near my ears, and as soon as the enemy crossed over this road I held my shattered arm in my right, and took refuge in an old cooper shop near the roadside, where a number of Federal soldiers were making good use of several barrels of fresh cider. I passed by them, and seated myself on the back sill, feeling quite faint from the loss of blood. I was not there more than a minute when one of the number brought me a tin cup of the cider, addressing me as “Johnnie.” He seemed very much interested in my condition, and insisted on going with me to have my wound attended to. I was utterly amazed at this mark of kindness, and I soon followed him over the field, where many evidences of the effectiveness of our fire was seen. About midway my eyes rested on the finest canteen I had ever seen, and I hardly thought it would be violating the Tenth Commandment if I asked him to appropriate it for my use, and this he did most cheerfully.

I was taken to five operating “field” hospitals before a surgeon could be found, who could spare the time from their great number of wounded, to attend to me. In an apple orchard, near a brick house, about one mile in the rear of the battlefield, a very noble and kindly disposed Federal surgeon, about sixty years old, with a sharp knife ripped my sleeve open, and cut it off about two inches below the shoulder. Then for the first time I knew the course of the bullet heretofore mentioned. He wished me placed under the influence of chloroform, as it would be exceedingly painful to extract the bullet so firmly embedded in the muscles. I objected to this, and told him I preferred to stand the pain. An incision about two inches long was made through the ligaments, and fastening the forceps on the bullet, they failed to remove it, until the fourth or fifth effort. When it yielded to his strong arm, the blood flew in all directions. He crammed a bunch of lint into the opening. The next minute everything turned pitch dark and I lost consciousness for several minutes. When I recovered, this kind doctor was bathing my face in cool water, and had such a sympathetic countenance that I felt he was a friend. He remarked, in a pleasant manner, “Young man, you stood the operation bravely, but you pinched my leg blue.” After placing the bullet in a pan of water to wash off the blood, he handed it to me with the remark, “You can now see why that bullet was so difficult to remove.” The point was turned back like a brim of a “rough and ready hat.” My arm was neatly bandaged and I remained sitting, with my back resting against a tree in the apple orchard. The Union soldier who accompanied me from the battlefield had remained by me, and as it was about sundown he brought me a small bowl of corn meal gruel, which refreshed me very much.

 A little while later who should come up but one of my company comrades, W. C. Smith, who had been slightly wounded in the shoulder. He informed me that Thomas Morgan and George Bernard, of the Petersburg Rifles, and Charlie Pritchard, of my company, were wounded and fellow prisoners, but I did not see them until next day. I laid on the upper porch floor of the brick house that night, on a bed of loose straw, brought by this kind Federal soldier, who also brought a canteen of fresh water, which proved a great blessing, for my thirst was insatiate, and I could not sleep. On the same porch floor with me were six or seven wounded Federal soldiers, two of whom died before daybreak. Next morning my soldier friend brought me another bowl of gruel and a cup of coffee. About 10 o’clock all the wounded who were able to walk were marched to Burkettsville [sic], and a church was converted into a hospital.”

During his stay in Burkittsville, Brown would find himself in very crowded conditions as surgeons worked feverishly to tend to the wounded. From here, he can clearly hear the distant rumbling of artillery and musketry as intense fighting takes place at near Sharpsburg. He also, successfully, fends off the surgeon’s knife as he is told the his arm must be amputated. He manages to remove himself from the hopsital and into the care of a private citizen who tends to his wound and saves his arm, for the time being. Eventually, he recovers enough to be placed on a train in Frederick and taken to Fort McHenry in Baltimore where he is paroled and awaits exchange. After being exchanged and sent to Richmond, his wound is not fully healed and becomes rather infected. After a quick surgery by a family doctor, fragments of clothe and bone are taken out of the wound. Luckily for Brown, he receives an honorable discharge from the Confederate Army due to the nature of his wound, his elbow being crooked. He would work in a Richmond hotel for the remainder of the war, witnessing its fall in the Spring of 1865.


Sources:
Brown, Phillip F.  1917.  Reminiscences of the War of 1861 – 1865. Richmond, VA: Whittet & Shepperson Printers. Google Books: Phillip F. Brown

"We immediately moved forward in line to assault the enemy's lines, under a severe and galling fire."

In the late afternoon of September 14 on the rolling hills outside of Burkittsville, Maryland, the 5th Maine Infantry deployed as part of the initial Union assault on the Confederate defenses at Crampton's Gap. Commanded by Colonel Nathanial Jackson, the regiment pushed forward on the left of Colonel Joseph Bartlett's brigade fighting to a standstill with the Confederate defenders before being forced to withdraw to resupply their cartridge boxes. The regiment would take part in the final bayonet charge up the side of the mountain that would capture Crampton's Gap. Colonel Jackson reported the regiment suffered 4 killed and 28 wounded in the fight.  Listed below are known casualties totaling 18 men (64% of reported in Official Report)


Killed:
Private John Bryant, Company I
Sergeant E.C. Chadbourne, Company C
Private Oliver Fletcher, Company I
Private Samuel Lufkin, Company I

Wounded:
Private Jonathan Alexander, Company G
Captain Hamlin Bucknam, Company K
Private James Cooley, Company G 
Private Abraham Chase, Company E
Private Charles Dore, Company K
Private John Godfrey, Company F
Private John W. Goodwin, Company B
Corporal S. W. Hatch, Company D
Private James Kelley, Company C
Private John Linscott, Company B 
Private William Maxim, Company B
Private John H. McIntire, Company B
Private Portland A. Wilson, Company G
Private Alvah Withee, Company H

"They were so numerous that it looked as if they were creeping up out of the ground..." George Neese, Chew's Artillery, on Crampton's Gap

The following is a recollection from George M. Neese, a gunner in Chew's Horse Artillery. Roger P. Chew's horse battery was in position about half-way the mountainside in the area of Crampton's Gap, the primary artillery support for the Confederate defenders along the Mountain Church Road at the base of the mountain. Neese writes:

September 14- This morning the shades of night were still lingering over the landscape when we left camp, and early dawn found us on top of South Mountain, looking over the beautiful Middletown Valley that was lying before us like a diversified illuminated map, with its wooded hills, pleasant fields, hamlets, and towns reposing in the quiet calm of a peaceful Sabbath morning. But before the sun shots its first golden lance across the Catoctin range to kiss away the early dew, the booming of Yankee cannon came rolling across from the Catoctin hills, announcing in ominous thunder tones that the Yankee hosts were advancing, and that there would be but little Sunday for soldiers to-day in this part of Uncle Sam's domain. As soon as we found the whole Yankee army was on the advance, we moved about halfway down the mountain and went in battery ready to work on the first bluecoats that ventured within range of our guns The cannon we heard  so early this morning were at Jefferson, where the Yanks were shelling woods searching, I suppose,  for masked batteries, of which they were most awfully afraid. 
There are two principal gaps in South Mountain through which the main roads pass that lead west through the Middletown Valley. Turner's Gap is the most important one, as the National Road which passes through Frederick City, Middletown, Boonsboro, and Hagerstown leads through Turner's Gap, consequently the heaviest portion of the Yankee forces was hurled against the defenders of that pass to-day. We were at Crampton's Gap, which was some four or five miles south of Turner's and, judging from the small force we had there for its defense, it was not considered of much importance from a Confederate point of view. However, the Yankees did not so consider it, from the heavy force of cavalry, artillery, and infantry they brought to bear against it before the day was over. We had only three companies of infantry, Munford's brigade of cavalry, and six pieces of artillery to defend the pass against at least two, perhaps three, divisions of Yankee infantry, with accompanying artillery and a big bunch of cavalry. At about ten o'clock we saw the first of the Yankee host, about three miles away, approaching our gap cautiously and slowly. As they drew nearer the country seemed full of bluecoats. They were so numerous that it looked  as if they  were creeping up out of the ground -- and what would or could our little force of some three or four hundred available men standing half-way up the bushy, stony mountain side do with such a mighty host that was advancing on us with flying banners? As they came nearer to the mountain they threw out a heavy skirmish line of infantry on both sides of the road, and were still advancing  very slowly when their skirmish line came to within about a mile of our position , so we opened on it with our rifled guns. Our line of fire was right over the village of Burkittsville, and completely checked their skirmishers about a half a mile from Burkittsville. The Yanks now brought up a battery and opened fire on us, but they were about two miles off and all their shell fell short. I fired at them in return, but in doing I disabled my gun. The mountain where we were in battery was a little steep and my gun is a vicious little recoiler, and the recoil space of our position was too sloping, rough, and limited for a free kick, consequently with the second shot I fired--with two mile range--at the Yankees my piece snapped a couple of bolts of its mounting, entirely disabling it for the day. After my gun was damaged there was nothing for me to do but leave the field of action, but before I left I stood awhile and gazed at the magnificent splendor of the martial array that was slowly and steadily moving toward us across the plain below like a living panorama, the sheen of the glittering side-arms and thousands of bright, shiney musket barrels looking like a silver spangled sea rippling and flashing in a midday sun. 
The remainder of the battery held its position, and when the enemy advanced to a closer range opened fire and kept it up until nearly night; but late this evening the enemy forced the pass by flanking and fighting, with overwhelming numbers, and compelled our little force to retire. To observe caution with which the Yankees, with their vast superior numbers, approached the mountain, it put one very much in mind of a lion, king of the forest, making exceeding careful preparations to spring on a plucky little mouse. For we had only about three hundred men actually engaged, and they were mostly cavalry, which is of very little use in defending a mountain pass like Crampton's Gap, where there is one narrow road leading up the mountain and all the remainder of the surroundings heavily timbered  and thickly covered with regular mountain undergrowth and large, loose rocks and boulders.
Crampton's Gap is really neither gorge nor gap, only a little notch in the crest of South Mountain, and nearly all the fighting to-day in trying to defend it was done on the eastern face of the mountain. It is marvelous how a few hundred  of our men held in check nearly all day two divisions of Yankees, besides their artillery and cavalry, and I will venture the assertion that, as usual, correspondents of Northern newspapers will say that a little band of heroic Union patriots gallantly cleaned out Crampton's Gap, that was defended by an overwhelming force of Rebels strongly posted all over the mountain and standing so thick that they had to crawl over each other to get away. 
In retiring our disabled gun from Crampton's Gap we went to Boonsboro and moved southwest direction about four miles on the Shepherdstown road to our wagons, where we arrived at ten o'clock to-night, and camped. In going from Crampton's Gap to Boonsboro we passed within a half mile of Turner's Gap, where a portion of General Longstreet's forces were engaged, fighting desperately right in the gap, which the enemy was assaulting vigorously with a heavy force. The artillery fire was very heavy and the deep-toned thunder of Longstreet's guns, mingled with the crash of fierce and incessant musketry, raged and roared and rolled along the mountain slopes and made the craggy battlements of South Mountain tremble from base to crest.
Boonsboro is a pretty little town at the western base of South Mountain, on the National Road. The houses are nearly all built of brick and kept in good condition all through the town. Before we got to Boonsboro, we passed through Rorhersville, a small hamlet in a pleasant valley, three miles south of Boonsboro. We also passed through Keedysville, a small village three miles southwest of Boonsboro. 
Pleasant Valley is a beautiful little mountain vale a mile wide, extending toward Harper's Ferry along the western foothills of South Mountain. 

Neese would move with Chew's artillery through Williamsport to Martinsburg and onward toward Shepherdstown, (West) Virginia where the unit went into camp as part of the artillery reserve. On the 17th, Neese reported clearly hearing the booming of the cannon and sounds of the battle that was raging in the fields ourside of Sharpsburg. Chew's battery was ordered to Sharpsburg late in the day, arriving just as the fighting ended. The battery would remain in position until the 19th, when the Confederates retreated back across the Potomac. Neese would marched with his men over much of the Berkeley and Jefferson counties in (West) Virginia and remained in the Shenandoah Valley for the remainder of 1862.

Sources:

1. Neese, George M. Three Years in the Confederate Horse Artillery. New York and Washington: The Neale Publishing Company. 1911.

2. photo of George Neese. 

The Vermont Brigade assaults Crampton's Gap

While the brunt of the fighting at Crampton's Gap was put on the 6th Corps division of Major General Henry Slocum, the all Vermont brigade of Brigadier General William T.H. Brooks was ordered to support the stalled Union assault by creating a diversion that would ultimately turn into a flanking maneuver that would crush the Confederate right.

The regiments that would become the "Vermont Brigade" had lived a fairly quiet term of service within the defenses of Washington with the exception of the 2nd Vermont, which had participated in the Union debacle at the Battle of First Bull Run. The regiments themselves were no brigaded together until the arrival of the 6th Vermont in Washington in late October 1861. The first major campaign they would participate in would be the Peninsular Campaign where the brigade would participate in the Battle of Williamsburg, Siege of Yorktown, and the Seven Days' Battles. Following the failure of this campaign to capture Richmond and the movement of the Confederate army into northern Virginia to deal with the new Union Army of Virginia under John Pope and to threaten Washington, D.C., the brigade was ordered onto its transports and moved back to Alexandria, Virginia. Upon arrival, the brigade marched with the 6th Corps towards the sound of battle on the old Bull Run battlefield but it did not arrive until the fighting had ended and was pulled back towards Washington to cover the retreat of Pope's army.

With the victory at the Second Battle of Bull Run, Robert E. Lee pushed his Confederate Army of Northern Virginia into Maryland  on September 4, 1862 and took possession of Frederick, Maryland and remained in and around the city for several days. After receiving word of the Confederate invasion, Major General George B. McClellan, now in command of the defenses of Washington, ordered several army corps to march towards western Maryland in pursuit of the Confederates. The 6th Corps, including the Vermonters, marched out of Washington on September 6th. Its route of march in pursuit of the rebels would keep it close to the Potomac River,anchoring the Army of the Potomac's left flank. As the army marched westward, the 6th Corps was to arrive in Buckeystown, Maryland within supporting distance of the army's advance on Frederick.

The Kanawha Division of the 9th Corps, under Major General Jacob Cox, arrived in Frederick on September 12th and pushed the last remaining Confederates through the town and towards South Mountain. McClellan began massing the remainder of his army in the vicinity of Frederick and September 13th, a vital piece of intelligence was found in the fields outside of Frederick. The Lost Orders, Special Order 191, was rushed up the chain of command until it was in the hands of General McClellan. With the knowledge of Confederate movements and the division of the Confederate force in an movement to capture Harper's Ferry, McClellan's plans changed. Orders were rushed out to the various corps commanders after the orders were verified to be genuine. McClellan sent a dispatch to General William Franklin, commanding the 6th Corps. In it, General McClellan outlines what the Confederate plans are. He also tells Franklin that General Darius Couch's division of the 4th Corps will be attached to him for support. McClellan also changes his plans for the 6th Corps:

"Without waiting for the whole of that division (Couch) to join, you will move a daybreak in the morning, by Jefferson and Burkittsville, upon the road to Rohrersville. I have reliable information that the mountain pass by this road is practicable for artillery and wagons. If this pass is not occupied by the enemy in force, seize it as soon as practicable, and debouch upon Rohrersville, in order to cut the retreat of or destroy McLaws' command. If you find this pass held by the enemy in large force, make all your dispositions for the attack, and commence it about a half hour after you hear severe firing at the pass on the Hagerstown pike, where the main body will attack. Having gained the pass, your duty will be first to cut off, destroy, or capture McLaws command and relieve Colonel Miles." (1)

With this dispatch, the 6th Corps main focus was now to break through South Mountain and relieve the garrison at Harper's Ferry. On the morning of September 14, Franklin puts his corps in motion towards Jefferson, Maryland where he halts to allow Couch's division to join him. The men of the Vermont Brigade surely knew something was brewing as the brigade arrived in Burkittsville, Maryland and after the lead elements of the 6th Corps passed through, Confederate artillery at Brownsville Pass opened up. General Franklin would allow his corps to go into bivouac while a plan of attack was decided upon.

The most direct route to Harper's Ferry from Burkittsville at the time of the Civil War was by way of the Brownsville Pass, located a mile south of Crampton's Gap. This is the way that Lafayette McLaws would take his division on its mission to capture Maryland Heights and cut off the escape routes out of Harper's Ferry. The use of this pass was on the mind of William Franklin as he arrived at Burkittsville about mid-day on the 14th. The artillery fire from the Brownsville Pass changed Franklin's mind quickly. He was convinced that a heavy Confederate force defended the gap (in actuality it was one brigade of infantry with artillery support). He put his focus on Crampton's Gap which was defended by a handful of cavalry and artillery. The main attack would come from the division of Henry Slocum and would be commanded by Colonel Joseph Bartlett. The division of William F. "Baldy" Smith would remain in reserve and support the attack when needed, the Vermont brigade was part of Smith's division.

The attack began at about 4 P.M. and immediately became bogged down. Confederate infantry had arrived to help bolster the thin Confederate line at the base of the mountain and its defensive position was improved by use of a stonewall. As Bartlett's attack stalled, Franklin ordered the Vermont Brigade forward to support Bartlett's left flank. Brigadier General Brooks marched his Vermonters into line as a heavy barrage of artillery rained down on the brigade. John Conline, a private in Company E, 4th Vermont, later remembered, "The Vermont troops . . . came to a large barnyard with a big barn and haystack in front in the direction of the enemy, and the 4th Vermont, being in the lead, came to a halt near the haystack until the rest of the brigade came up. . . . At the same instant the Confederates, whom we could not see opened a brisk infantry fire upon us. . ." (2)

With fire coming in on the 4th Vermont, General Brooks began to deploy his brigade as follows and to cover the deployment, he ordered skirmishers pushed out to help cover his deployment and to dislodge the Confederates but this had "little effect". Brooks in the meantime deployed the 4th Vermont ,under Lieutenant Colonel Charles B. Stoughton, in his first line and the 2nd Vermont, under Major James Walbridge, in his second line.  The remaining three regiments were left in reserve on the edge of town. On the Union right, Bartlett's attack broke through the Confederate center and pushed up the mountain. At the same instant, Brooks order his two regiments to advance and after gaining the Confederate right, pushed up the mountain. 3

Private Conline remembers that attack of the 4th Vermont:

"All the companies of the 4th Vermont moved in succession to the south and west of the barn, which acted as a partial screen and protection, to the front, and formed line of battle, in a very large open field by the movement known as companies left front, into line. We did not let the grass grow under our feet in executing this maneuver for obvious reasons. In short, our line was formed with great rapidity, the direction being north and south parallel to a long, well built stonewall, from behind which the enemy kept blazing away at us. As the line formed, I had a fine opportunity to look over the battlefield before the charge. 

During the formation of this advance line, from the open spaces on the crest of South Mountain, the Confederate batteries opened on us with a very noisy shellfire, which so far as I could see, did us little harm. . . . The instant line the line was ready, we charged, with bayonets fixed, at double quick, across the open field to the stonewall where the enemy was posted. Before we got to the wall, the rebels began to run singly, then in little squads of three or four, and finally, as we were about to reach the wall, the all broke pell mell up the slightly inclined open plain, from the wall to the foot of the mountain about 400 yards distant. Many of them halted, turned, and fired at us. The wall reached, we opened fire upon the rapidly vanishing Confederates for two or three minutes; climbing over it, the line quickly advanced after the demoralized enemy, until we reached the trees at the foot of the mountain, when we were free from the artillery fire." At this point, the Confederates are clingling to what little ground they have at the gap itself and within the woods along the Burkittsville Road. (4)


Private Conline continues:

" We then began to climb the steep mountainside and arrived at the crest nearly out of breath, where we found a very narrow plateau with a road in the middle, running north and south along the crest. We moved to the right in column towards Crampton's Gap, capturing a brass mountain howitzer named the "Jennie", and a few prisoners, about seventy-five in all. In military parlance, the Vermont Brigade made a brilliant charge against the enemy in the open field and carried the crest and Crampton's Gap by storm." (5)

By the time the Vermonters reached the crest, the battle was, for all intent and purposes, was over. The 6th Corps had captured the gap and thrown the Confederates a major defeat. After reaching the crest, the 4th Vermont was ordered to the left to silence the batteries that had fired upon them as they advanced at the base of the mountain. As they advance, Lieutenant George Hooker of Company E, dashed forward and came upon a large group of Confederates, the 16th Virginia Infantry. Lieutenant Hooker stated that a large body of Union infantry were close behind him. The Confederate command, Major Francis Holliday, surrendered his sword, the regimental battle flag, and over 100 men to Hooker. Hooker would be remembered for his exploit when he was awarded the Medal of Honor on September 17, 1891. (6)

The 2nd Vermont, following close behind the 4th, reached the crest of the mountain and continued down the western slope, reaching the base before being recalled back to the gap. The other regiments of the brigade advanced up the Burkittsville Road rejoining the 2nd and 4th at the crest where the brigade went into bivouac for the night. The Vermont Brigade had helped decisively push the Confederates out of Crampton's Gap and threaten McLaws Division on Maryland Heights. The following day, the brigade would march in Pleasant Valley with the rest of the 6th Corps threatening to lift the garrison at Harper's Ferry but during the day, firing from the direction of Harper's Ferry had ceased and all knew that the town had fallen.

During the assault on Crampton's Gap, the 6th Corps lost over 500 men killed and wounded. The Vermont brigade, according to returns in the Official Records, 1 killed and 18 wounded during its dash up the mountain. The brigade would not find itself heavily engaged three days later along the banks of the Antietam. (7)


Sources:

1.  United States Government. War Department. The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, 128 vols. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1880-1901 ,Volume 19, Part 1. pg. 45.

2. John Conline, Recollections of the Battle of Antietam and the Maryland Campaign

3. War of the Rebellion, Volume 19, Part 1. pg. 407

4. Conline, (see link on source 2).

5. Ibid.

6. Brian Downey, Crampton's Gap, Medal of Honor

7. War of the Rebellion, Volume 19, Part 1. pg. 183.

Captain William Horsfall, Killed in Action, September 14, 1862

This is a photo of Captain William Horsfall. He commanded Company E of the 18th New York Infantry Regiment in Brigadier General John Newton's brigade. Captain Horsefall was mustered into service as a 1st Lieutenant of Company E in Schenectady, New York on May 16, 1861. He would be promoted to Captain in December of 1861. During the fighting at Crampton's Gap, the 18th New York advanced against the Confederate positions during the final climactic assault. Lt. Colonel George R. Myer's describes Captain Horsefalls final moments:

 On rising the hill to the road, which ran along its side, we received a terrific volley from the enemy. It was here that I met my heaviest loss, the fire of the enemy being well directed and fatal. At this point, the lamented Captain William Horsfall was killed while gallantly leading his men to the charge...

He was 46. Captain Horsfall's body would be returned to Schenectady where he was buried in T-31 of Vale Cemetery.  The people of Schenectady gave Captain Horsfall a memorial. From a newspaper describing the monument:


MONUMENT TO CAPT. WILLIAM HORSEFALL.
—A beautiful Italian monument, to be placed over the remains of the late Captain William Horsefall, who fell at the battle of South Mountain, Maryland, has just been completed by our fellow townsman, William Manson, will be forwarded to Shenectady [sic] to adorn the Cemetery at that place.
The monument is made of the finest Italian marble, and is beautifully and artistically cut and engraved. The front represents a projecting shield, with three stars upon it, backed by a sword and spear, and entwined together with a wreath of evergreens.
Beneath this in projecting letters, is the following:

Captain Horsfall's grave

"Captain William Horsefall,
18th Regiment, N. Y. S. Volunteers.
Born April 7th, 1816;
Died September 14th 1862.
On the base is the following:--
"He died in the defence of his county."
On the opposite side, engraved upon the stone, is the following:--
"He fell cheering his men in the gallant and successful charge made by Gen. Slocum in the Battle of South Mountain, near Burkettsville, Frederick Co., Maryland, Sept. 14th, l862.”
The monument is surrounded with a fatigue cap, hewn from the stone, on the foot of which is a shield, with initials, in old English letters, N. Y.
It is certainly a monument choice and beautiful in design and reflects great credit upon the maker as a work of art.


Sources:

1. Newspaper clipping describing monument, New York State Military Museum
2. Roster, 18th New York Infantry, New York Military Museum
3. Photo, Captain Horsfall, New York Military Museum
4. The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of of the records of the Union and Confederate Armies; Series 1, Volume 19 (part 1), pg. 398.

16th New York Infantry Casualties

The following is the casualty list of the known casualties from the 16th New York Infantry commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Joel J. Seaver. The regiment went into the fighting at Crampton's Gap as part of Colonel Joseph Bartlett's brigade and after a brief stalemate at the base of the mountain, the regiment joined in the blue tide the charged up the mountainside, routing the Confederate defenders.  In his report, Lt. Colonel Seaver's reports losing 20 men killed and 41 wounded. I have listed the known casualties, 19 killed and 50 wounded or 113% of casualties reported. Many of the wounded later died of their wounds. The regimental history, written by Nelson M. Curtis, reports that there were 18 killed, 8 mortally wounded, and 35 wounded for a total of 61 which shows the casualty report I've posted makes known every casualty suffered by the regiment during its fight at Crampton's Gap.

-updated 3/3/12-

Killed:

Private Henry R. Bissell, Co. C
Private Thomas Brown, Co. G
Private James E. Burdick, Co. F
Corporal Charles H. Conant, Co. D
Private Orville Cooper, Co. H
Private Giles N. Cunningham, Co. F
Private William Dunn, Co. C
Private John S. Fredenburgh, Co. D
Private Celestea Grenier, Co. G
Private William Hammond, Co. H
Private Sidney L. Hare, Co. C
Sergeant Andrew J. Lee, Co. D
Private John Magin, Co. H
Sergeant William Nowlan, Co. H
Private G. Myron Van Ornum, Co. D
Private John Pulford, Co. D
Private Martin V. Roberts, Co. E
Private John Torry, Co. C
Private Henry C. Washburn, Co. F

Wounded:

Private Hiram G. Van Arnam, Co. E
Corporal Benjamin F. Baldwin, Co. B
Private John Bario, Co. A 
Private William R. Blair, Co. E
Private Henry Bottom, Co. B
Private Brainard Bowen, Co. C
Private Peter Le Brick, Co. E
Private Joseph E. Bruce, Co. F
Private Mitchell Bully, Co. C
Private Martin Callahan, Co. I
Private Enos S. Collins, Co. B (died of wounds, Sept. 18, 1862)
Private Thomas W. Curtis, Co. G
Private Roswell A. Darling, Co. B
Sergeant Jerome Eddy, Co. B
Sergeant Francis A. Englehart, Co. H
Private Alden Fairbanks, Co. D
Private Alfred Favereau, Co. A
Private William Fieldson, Co. G
Sergeant Charles I. Gardener, Co. D
Private Loren D. Gladden, Co. F
Private John Harnet, Co. A
Private Benjamin F. Heath, Co. H
Private Zimri Hodges, Co. F
Private Andrew A. Houghtaling, Co. K (died of wounds, Sept. 18, 1862)
1st Sergeant William W. Hutton, Co. D (died of wounds, Nov. 15, 1862)
2nd Lieutenant Charles L. Jones, Co. A
Private David Jones, Co. D (died of wounds, Dec. 20, 1862)
Private Peter Labrick, Co. E
Private Louis H. Larock, Co. C
Sergeant Andrew J. Lee, Co. D (died of wounds, Sept. 15, 1862)
Private John Mitchell, Co. A
Private David McAllister, Co. H
Private Richard McAuliff, Co. E
Private James McCombs, Co. D
Private Wellesley McCury, Co. F
Private Mathew Nesbit, Co. B
Private Smith Pine, Co. C
Private James W. Richards, Co. F (died of wounds, Sept. 20, 1862)
Private Martin V. Roberts, Co. E
Corporal James G. Robertson, Co. D (died of wounds, Oct. 7, 1862)
Private William Roden, Co. K (died of wounds, Sept. 16, 1862)
Private David C.J. Russell, Co. G
Private William A. Smith, Co. B
Private Willis L. Starkey, Co. K
Private John Torry, Co. C
2nd Lieutenant William H. Walling, Co. D
Corporal Robert Watson, Co. K
Private Melancthon B. Webb, Co. E
Private Thomas C. Whitehouse, Co. I
Private George L. Wilkins, Co. H

Sources:

16th NY roster, New York State Military Museum

Newton Martin Curtis. From Bull Run to Chancellorsville: The Story of the Sixteenth New York Infantry together with Personal Reminiscences. New York: G.P. Putnam's Son's The Knickerbacker Press. 1906. 366-367.

"The sight of the field after the battle is more horrible then the battle itself..."

The following letter was written by John M. Lovejoy. He enlisted in the army in August 1862 in Company G of the 121st New York Volunteer Infantry. He was only 19 years old and his first taste of battle came during the fight at Crampton's Gap. Fortunately, Lovejoy's regiment remained in reserve during the battle but, Lovejoy writes about what he witnessed as the 6th Corps attacked up the slopes of the mountain. He also writes, rather graphically, about what he witnessed as his regiment moved up to the Crampton's Gap to occupy the gap and bury the dead. Following the battle, he would serve as an orderly tending to wounded of both sides in Burkittsville. He would rise to the rank of Corporal before being mustered out with his company in June 1865. 

Headquarters of the 121 Regt. NY Vol.

Battlefield near Burkittsville, Maryland

My dear Cousins and friends,



It is with strange feeling but yet a feeling of gratitude that I now attempt to write to you about one half hour ago, the 2nd lieutenant came in with letters for the company. On having heart leaped with joy when I heard my name called now I must write in short all that will interest you. One week ago yesterday we took up the lines of march to join the division. We joined Slocum's. We belong to [Franchot's] Reg., Bartlett's Brigade, Slocum's Division, Franklin's Corps. Yesterday morning (Sunday), we were near at three o'clock. At five, we were in line for march. We had not marched more than 2 1/2 miles when the booming of artillery told us that we were engaging the enemy about Harpers Ferry. We marched on til noon when we halted in a field in front of the Village of Jefferson. About [two] hours had passed in sight of artillery firing when were were ordered forward. We moved across the fields instead of roads and cornfields and ridges when we were halted in a ravine between the mountain and our batterys. Our men fired a gun to draw the [attention] of the rebels while were were moving down the gulf the rebels returned the fire. The shells falling over our heads about fifteen feet. I must confess that I dazed when the shells passed whistling like fury. When we got in the ravine, we found about five thousand men drawn up in line ready to march at a moments warning. About three o'clock, all the forces except out reg. were called upon to march to the field. We were held in reserve. Our boys marched boldly across the plain under such a volley of grape, canister, and shell. The hill the rebels held was as steep as that south of you house. The rebels had their batteries planted in a road out through the wood about half way up the hill. Our forces marched up to the face of the hill under the fire of their infantry and artillery when they returned a few rounds. When Gen. Slocum ordered to charge . . . they sent up such chants that they could be heard at a great distance. They charged on heeding not the fire of the rebels. The rebels stood their ground bravely until our forces got quite close to them when they turned and ran. I can tell you the way they skedaddled was a . . . . The pinch for me came next morning to see the dead and dying and wounded soldiers, the greater part of them shot through the head. I saw at least 100 dead rebels. In some places they lay so thick that one could not move without treading on them. You can't imagine the [sounds] of the wounded and dying with dead and dying all around you. I'm sure as for one, I should rather be killed out right. I saw [a] poor fellow killed who had been shot through the leg. He had rolled up his pants, put tobacco on the wound, and had kept it dry when another bullet took him through the head scattering his brains in all directions. I saw one poor rebel die. At times he prayed, at times he saw. He cursed the yankee who had given him his death wound. The sight of the field after the battle is more horrible then the battle itself but, enough of this. The loss of the rebels were three hundred killed and wounded to seven hundred prisoners. Our loss was about one hundred killed and wounded and no prisoners. One word from your friend to David, Jonathan should enlist, stay at home . . . and to when you can enjoy yourself. Any man can be patriotic at home but when his belly is empty, his patriotism is all gone. Some times on our march, we did not draw rations. . . . If my life is spared, I shall be with you by another fall. Enjoy yourself as well as you can, but I must close. Good bye from you cousin and friend John M. Lovejoy.

Fighting Colonels: Lt. Colonel J.M. Lamar

Lt.Colonel Lamar

Lt. Colonel Jefferson Mirabeau Lamar, commanding Cobb's (GA) Legion Infantry Battalion: Assigned to Brigadier General Howell Cobb's brigade, the Cobb's Legion Infantry came to the support of the beleaguered Confederate defenders at Crampton's Gap just as the main defensive line at the base of the mountain disintegrated under the heavy pressure of the Union 6th Corps. Brigadier General Howell Cobb was unaware that the Confederate line had broken. With the believe that the flanks were in danger of being turned, he ordered two of his regiments down the Arnoldstown Road to bolster the left flank and two regiments down the Burkittsville Road to strenghten the Confederate right. Lt. Colonel Lamar was ordered down the Burkittsville Road but upon hearing firing and shouts coming from the direction of the Confederate center, Lamar ordered his battalion to march off the road and into the woods. Running into fugitives scrambling up the mountainside away from devasted Confederate center, Lamar ordered his men to double-quick down the mountainside to stem the Union onslaught. It was during this movement that Lamar's horse stumbled to the ground, throwing the rider off. Lamar quickly sprung to his feet, drew his sword and continued on with this battalion. When the first shades of the blue tide were seen through the woods, Lamar ordered his battalion to fire, temporarily halting the Union advance. Lamar was buying time for those survivors from the center to rally. The 16th Georgia Infantry was supporting Lamar's men on the battalions left. Unfortunately for the Confederates the position was exposed to a flank attack up the Burkittsville Road.  This attack came in the form of Alfred Torbert's New Jersey Brigade who slammed into the flank of Lamar's position. Knowing that an order to retreat would cause the situation to deteriorate beyond repair, Lamar decided to remain and hold at all costs to allow General Cobb to rally a defensive position at the gap. Lamar refused, or bent back, his right flank to meet this new threat. It was during this time the Lamar would be wounded, hit by a minie ball in the leg. Remaining in command, Lamar refused to order the retreat, despite the pleas from his subordinates. Finally, seeing the his men were being slaughtered and his avenues of retreat slowly being choked off, Lamar said if someone would help him to his feet he would order the retreat. He was promptly help and just after giving the order to retreat, he was wounded a second time, this time mortally, with a minie ball slamming into his chest. The withdrawal was disorderly and chaotic. What remained of the legion scrambled up the mountainside leaving behind dead and wounded comrades, including their commander. Lamar would be captured by Union forces and carried down the mountain to Burkittsville where he would expire the following day. He was buried in  Burkittsville in the cemetery behind the Reformed Church until family members exhumed his body and took him home to be buried in Athens, Georgia.

Sources:

Timothy Reese, Sealed with the Lives: The Battle for Crampton's Gap. Butternut & Blue: Baltimore, Md. 1998

Brian Downey and Aotw members. Lt. Colonel Jefferson Mirabeau Lamar

Report of Brigadier General Howell Cobb. The War of the Rebellion: a compilation of the official records of the Union and Confederate armies. ; Series 1 - Volume 19 (Part I). US War Department: Washington, D.C. 1887. 870-871

"The victory was decisive and complete..."

The following is the report written by Colonel Joseph Bartlett who commanded the attack of the Henry Slocum's division at Crampton's Gap on September 14, 1862. Bartlett's brigade would spearhead the assault with remainder of General Slocum's division supporting. Bartlett was chosen to lead the assault column and his attack commenced at roughly at 4 o'clock in the afternoon.

HDQRS. SECOND BRIG., FIRST DIV., SIXTH CORPS,



--- --, 1862.

 Major H. C. RODGERS,


Assistant Adjutant-General, First Division, Sixth Corps.

MAJOR: I have the honor to submit the following report of the part taken by my brigade in the battle of Crampton's Pass, Sunday, September 14, 1862:


My command, after a march of nearly 10 miles, arrived opposite the village of Burkittsville and Crampton's Pass about 12 o'clock m., with the Ninety-sixth Pennsylvania Volunteers, Colonel Cake commanding, deployed as skirmishers. The enemy's pickets retired from the town and opened an artillery fire from two batteries upon my line of skirmishers. I was ordered by Major-General Slocum to halt until he could mass his troops and arrange the plan of the assault, as the appearance of the mountain pass convinced all that artillery was of no avail against it, and that nothing but a combined and vigorous charge of infantry would carry the mountain.

It being decided that the attack should be made on the right and flank of the road leading over the mountain, I was ordered to lead the column, under cover from artillery fire and as secretly as possible, to a large field near its base, where the column of attack was to be formed, each brigade in two lines, at 200 paces in rear. About 4 o'clock p.m. I ordered forward the Twenty-seventh New York Volunteers, Lieutenant Colonel A. D. Adams commanding, to deploy as skirmishers, and, upon their placing the interval ordered between the column of attack and their line, I advanced at quick time the Fifth Maine Volunteers, Colonel N. J. Jackson commanding, and Sixteenth New York Volunteers, Lieutenant Colonel J. J. Seaver commanding. My line of skirmishers found the enemy at the base of the mountain, safely lodged behind a strong stone wall. Their entire line, being now developed, exhibited a large force. My first line advanced rapidly and steadily to the front under a severe fire of artillery from the heights above and musketry from behind the wall and the trees on the slope above it. Halting behind a rail-fence about 300 yards from the enemy, the skirmishers were withdrawn and the battle commenced.

 By some unexplained and unaccountable mistake, more than 1,000 yards intervened between the head of the column of General Newton's brigade and my own line, and nothing but the most undaunted courage and steadiness on the part of the two regiments forming my line maintained the fight until the arrival of the rest of the attacking column. On their arrival, the Thirty-second New York Volunteers, Colonel Matheson commanding, and the Eighteenth New York Volunteers, Lieutenant-Colonel Myers commanding, were sent to report to me by order of General Newton, commanding Third Brigade. The Fifth Maine and Sixteenth New York Volunteers having expended their ammunition, I relieved them, and formed them 20 paces in rear.

 The New Jersey brigade, Colonel Torbert commanding, now arrived on the left of the line, and commenced firing by its first line, and the Ninety-sixth Pennsylvania Volunteers having joined my command, and been positioned by me on the extreme right, it became apparent to all that nothing but a united charge would dislodge the enemy and win the battle. A moment's consultation with Colonel Torbert decided us to make the charge immediately at a double-quick, and the order was passed along the line to "Cease firing," the command given to "Charge," and our whole line advanced with cheers, rushing over the intervening space to the stone wall and routing the enemy. The charge was maintained to the top of the mountain, up an almost perpendicular steep, over rocks and ledges, through the underbrush and timber, until the crest overlooking the valley beyond was gained. The victory was decisive and complete, the routed enemy leaving arms, ammunition, knapsacks, haversacks, and blankets in heaps by the roadside.


The great natural strength of the enemy's position, supported by his well-served batteries, made it absolutely necessary that the first attempt should be successful or great confusion and slaughter must ensue. The success was fully and clearly established by the masterly arrangement of the column of attack by Major-General Slocum, and circumstances seemed to have been controlled by some master-hand to enable us to carry out the clear instructions received before the assault. All orders were carried out in detail. No more and no less was done than to execute the plan during the fiercely contested assault which was so clearly expressed in the bivouac.


I have the honor of reporting the capture of one battle-flag by the Sixteenth New York Volunteers.


The action of my own regiments, and of the Thirty-second and Eighteenth New York Volunteers, who were under my command, recommend them to the highest consideration of their general officers. There were no officers, field or line, who did not distinguish themselves upon this occasion, and the highest praise should be awarded the soldiers under their command.


It is with sorrow I have to report the death of Major Martin, Ninety-sixth Pennsylvania Volunteers, who fell gallantly leading his wing of the regiment to the charge.


My warmest thanks are due to the brave, able, and gallant assistance rendered me on this as on all former occasions by Lieutenant R. P. Wilson, acting assistant adjutant-general, and Lieutenant M. E. Richards, acting aide-de-camp. Among the surgeons of the several regiments, Surg. N. S. Barnes, Twenty-seventh New York Volunteers, I wish particularly to mention for gallantry in following his regiment into battle, and establishing his field hospital close to the scene of action, thereby rendering immediate and invaluable assistance to the wounded.



I herewith annex an official list of the killed and wounded in my brigade.



JOS. J. BARTLETT,


Colonel, Commanding Brigade.

 Source:

The War of the Rebellion: a Compliation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies: Volume 19, Part 1. 388 - 390

"As we emerged. . . the enemy met us with a murderous fire."

Colonel Cake

These are the words of Colonel Henry L. Cake of the 96th Pennsylvania in his report on the fighting at Crampton's Gap describing the climactic final assault by the Union 6th Corps that swept the Confederates from the gap. The regiment lost 91 men killed and wounded during the fight. The following is a list of casualties that I have found.



Killed:

1st Lieutenant John Dougherty, Co. F

Private Thomas Haines, Co. I

Private George James, Co. K

Corporal Gomer Jones, Co. A

Private James Kaercher, Co. I

Private Henry P. Kuhns, Co. H

Major Lewis Martin, Regt.

Private Patrick McAllister, Co. K

Private Barney McMicheal, Co. K

Private Saul McMinzie, Co. C

Private Thomas Reese, Co. D

Private John Sentman, Co. H

Private Martin Sipe, Co. C

Private Oliver F. Treichler, Co. H

Private Otto G.H. Vogel, Co. E

Private William Weaklam, Co. I

Private Thomas D. Williams, Co. D

Private Charles B. Ziegler, Co. H

Wounded:
2nd Lieutenant Alexander Allison, Co. C
Sergeant Charles Bast, Co. C
Private Christian Bidel, Co. H
Private John Carr, Co. D
Private John Haley, Co. H
Private Patrick Fay, Co. K
Private John Frasier, Co. C
Private Thomas Hilton, Co. C
Private Micheal Holloran, Co. H
Private Caleb Kinzi. Co. A
Private  Hugh Lynch, Co. C
Private Aaron Miller, Co. H
Private Jeremiah Miller, Co. H
1st Sergeant James B. Oliver, Co. C
Corporal Thomas Oliver, Co. C
Private David Thomas, Co. C
Private Thomas Tracy, Co. F

Sources:

Pennsylvania Infantry in the Civil War

10th Georgia at Crampton's Gap

The only regiment from Paul Semme's Brigade to see action at Crampton's Gap, the 10th Georgia infantry commanded by Major Willis C. Holt suffered heavily. The regiment was ordered by Semmes to move in support of Colonel Parham's infantry and Colonel Thomas Munford's Cavalry brigades at the eastern base of the mountain that were beginning to come under pressure from lead elements of the Union 6th Corps if they were needed. Not long after Holt recieves this order from Semme's, Munford sends word to Holt to bring his regiment up to reinforce his ragtag line. Holt goes into postion only to be order by Semmes to return to his original postition along the Rohersville Road in Pleasant Valley. Holt begins his return trip when Colonel Parham orders him to remain on the mountain and to move his regiment to his immediate left to extend the Confederate flank. Holt would send two companies back to his original position and take the remainder of the regiment to the front. Almost immediately, the Georgians would be underfire and by 6 o'clock that evening, they are in full retreat back into Pleasant Valley. Here is Major Holt's official report.


NEAR MARTINSBURG, W. VA.,
September 22, 1862.

Captain BRIGGS,
Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.

CAPTAIN: On the morning of the 14th instant I received an order from General Semmes to move up to a church on the Rohrersville road for picket duty. In the evening I received another order from General Semmes to go to the support of Colonel Parham, who was picketing at Crampton's Gap, should he send for me. In a short time I received an order from Colonel Munford to bring my command up, as the enemy were approaching in strong force. I moved to the gap, and was ordered by Colonel Parham to a position at the base of the mountain. Just as I had taken the position, I received an order from General Semmes, through Lieutenant Cody, to carry my command back to the church. I started, and, when I reached the summit of the mountain, was ordered by Colonel Parham to remain. Seeing a large force of the enemy in line of battle approaching, and he giving me peremptory orders to remain, I sent two companies to the junction of the roads, and, by his order, moved my command to position on the left of the line he had already formed, which position I maintained until the enemy forced back the regiments on my right and had passed my flank. They (the enemy) being then nearer the gap of the mountain than I was, I was forced to fall back, to prevent being captured, the enemy being checked by a support that had been sent to us by General Cobb. I halted my command, and was forming a line of battle, when I was struck with a spent ball just above the left eye. The blood flowed so profusely from the wound that I was compelled to turn the command over to Captain P. H. Loud and go to the rear. The loss in this battle was 3 killed, 21 wounded, and 37 missing. Captain Y. L. Wootton was wounded and left upon the field; Lieutenant Foster was wounded and borne to the rear, and Lieutenant Olmstead has not since been heard from; was probably wounded and in the hands of the enemy.

The officers and men behaved with great gallantry, except a few who were too cowardly to go to the line of battle.

W. C. HOLT,
Major, Commanding Tenth Georgia Regiment.

Source: OFFICIAL RECORDS: Series 1, Vol 19, Part 1 (Antietam - Serial 27) , Pages 876 - 877

Crampton's Gap: Twilight Assault

(VI Corps assault at Crampton's Gap, Harpers Weekly)

In the late afternoon and early evening of the 14th of September, Major General William B. Franklin's massive VI Corps, numbering roughly 12,000 men made the attack that would prove to be the tipping point in Lee's invasion of Maryland. Opposing him was a ragtag Confederate force of infanry, cavalry, and artillery that numbered at the most 2,000 men but unfortunately for the Confederates, these men were not all present at the gap at any given moment.

In the early morning hours of the 14th, with orders in hand from the Army of the Potomac's commander George B. McClellan, the VI Corps under the command of Major General William B. Franklin breaks camp about 3 miles east of Jefferson, Maryland and begins the march towards Burkittsville, Maryland at the base of South Mountain. The orders in Franklin's possession call for him to lead his corps against Crampton's Gap with the goal of capturing it, advancing on Rohrersville, and advancing into the rear of Confederate General's Lafeyette McLaws division on Maryland Heights lifting the siege situation at Harpers Ferry.

Franklin's Corps numbers about 13,000 men of all arms and it is divided into two divisions under Major General's Henry Slocum and William F. Smith and a third division under Major General Darius Couch that has been attached. The division's of Slocum and Smith arrive in Jefferson about mid-morning and Franklin orders a halt to allow Couch's division a chance to catch up with the rest of the corps. After a waiting a couple hours, Franklin recieves word the Couch is to far to the rear to hold up the march any longer so he orders the corps to advance on Burkittsville where they'll arrive around noon. Once the VI Corps reaches Burkittsville, Franklin allows his men to have lunch while he confers with his division and brigade commanders about the plan for the assault.

Meanwhile, up on the mountain, a small Confederate brigade under Brigadier General Paul Semmes was in position at Brownsville Pass about a mile south of Crampton's Gap. It was here the Semmes believed the main effort to relieve Harpers Ferry would be attempted and with this think he placed his brigade here along with Light Battery A, 1st North Carolina Artillery under Captain Basil Manley, the Richmond Fayette Artillery under Lieutenant William Clopton, and the Magruder Light Artillery under Captain Thomas Page, Jr. Semme's artillery support consisted of 8 pieces. Semme's posted the 10th Georgia Infantry on the Rohrersville Road as a picket and on the 13th, the brigade of Colonel William Parham was ordered by General McLaws to report to Semmes. Upon arriving, Semmes order Parham, along with his artillery support, to Crampton's Gap to support the cavalry brigade of Colonel Thomas Munford and Captain Roger Chews battery of Horse Artillery. To finish out the Confederate forces that would participate in the defense of Crampton's Gap, McLaws ordered the brigade of Howell Cobb to encamp on the western base of South Mountain to support Semmes and Munford if called upon.

At Crampton's Gap, Colonel Thomas Munford was in command of the 2nd and 12th Virginia Cavalry, two extremely undersized cavalry regiments and the battery of Captain Roger Chew's Horse Artillery. Munford had set up pickets along the road leading from Jefferson, Maryland and has the VI Corps advanced, Union Cavalry pushed Munford's pickets back to Burkittsville and eventually Munford pulled his men, numbering 200 at the most, back to a stonewall along the Mountain Church Road at the base of South Mountain to face the coming Union attack. Chew's horse artillery and the artillery posted at Brownsville Pass fired upon the Union forces as they began to move out of Burkittsville. The arrival of Parham's brigade, the 6th, 12th, and 16th Virginia and the Portsmouth Artillery helped raise the Confederate number to 800 along the stonewall but it was still woefully to few to combat an entire corps of Union infantry. Munford sends out couriers to Semmes and Cobb calling for their assistance.

In Burkittsville, Franklin's men are under the fire from Brownsville Pass and this fire causes Franklin to believe that the mountain is heavily fortified by the Confederates. With the elevation of the mountain, the use of artillery against the gap is futile and he resorts to a head-on infantry assault. He plans to use the division of Henry Slocum as the spearhead for the assault while the division of William F. Smith will be in support. Slocum is uncertain about how to go about the assault so he calls upon one of his brigade commanders, Colonel Joseph Bartlett, to devise the plan of attack. Bartlett becomes frustrated with his superiors because of their lack of initiative in planning the attack but, Bartlett is given the final decision on the attack plan. His plan calls for Slocum's division to attack up the right side of the Burkittsville Road leading to the mountain with the divisions three brigades aligned one behind the other. In the front will be his own brigade consisting of the 5th Maine, the 16th, 27th, and 121st New York, and the 96th Pennsylvania regiments, in the second line will be Brigadier General John Newton's brigade (the 18th, 31st, and 32nd New York regiments and the 95th Pennsylvania. In the final line will be the New Jersey Brigade under Colonel Alfred Torbert. To support the assault, Captain Emory Upton's First Division artillery would bombard the Confederate positions along the base of the mountain.

Bartlett's assault kicked off at about 4 o'clock and almost immediately it came under fire from Confederate artillery on the mountain and the Confederates behind the stonewall. Bartlett's brigade's advanced ground to a halt about 300 yards away from the stonewall and the contest just turned into a slugfest between the opposing lines. The brigades of Newton and Torbert were moved to Bartlett's left and right flanks respectively allowing for more firepower to come to bear upon the Confederates. Munford, seeing his men falling all around him, again sent couriers to Semmes and Cobb requesting support. Once General Cobb recieved the Munford's request, he immediately put his brigade ( 16th and 24th Georgia, Cobb's Legion, 15th North Carolina, and Troup (Georgia) Artillery) on the road to Crampton's Gap, about 2 miles from his encampment in Pleasant Valley. The deployment of the two remaining brigades into the front line began to put more and more pressure on Munfords weakening line. The brigade of Colonel Parham began to falter under the Union pressure. Cobb's brigade arrived at the gap a little after 5 o'clock and many of the men let out the high pitch Rebel Yell. Cobb reported to Colonel Munford who informed of him the situation and promptly pulled his cavalry out of the fight. The situation as Cobb arrived was one of extreme peril. The Confederate line had halted the advance of the Union center but, the deployment of Newton's and Torbert's brigades extended the Union flanks and allowed the Confederate flanks to be overlapped. Immediately, Cobb ordered the Cobb Legion and 16th Georgia down the Burkittsville road to support the faltering Confederate Right. He send the 24th Georgia straight down the mountain side to support the center and put the 15th North Carolina into position along the Arnoldstown Road towards the Confederate left. With the arrival of Cobb's men, it seemed the Confederates could hold the gap until nightfall but, Bartlett had different plans for the attack.

At the base of the mountain, Bartlett heard the terrifying sound of the Rebel Yell over the musketry and knew that Confederate reinforcements had arrived at the gap and the issue needed to be pressed at once. He ordered his brigade to fix bayonets and charge the stonewall. With a loud, prolonged shout, as one Union private remembers, Bartlett's brigade rushed forward to the stonewall and instantly, the Confederate line disintegrated. Parham's Brigade broke and retreated back up the mountain. Bartlett's men, along with the Newton's and Torbert's, pushed up the mountain side.

The Cobb Legion under the command of Lieutenant Jefferson M. Lamar, with the 16th Georgia in support, advanced down the mountain side and came upon the men of Parham retreating up the mountainside. Lamar immediately saw Union troops in pursuit and cried to his men to follow him in a counterattack against them. Lamar charged his horse forward and promptly found the maneuver had been foolish and the steep grade of the hillside caused rider and horse to fall to the ground. Lamar, unphased, leapt to his feet and continued leading his men. He put his men into position on the flank of the Union attacking column and unleashed volley after volley into their ranks. Unknown to him, Torbert's brigade had collapsed the Confederate left and was advancing up the Burkittsville Road, right into the right flank and rear of the Cobb Legion. Out of nowhere, the New Jersey Brigage unleashes a volley into the Legion's flank. Lamar knows that he is in a situation that his men cannot stand long against but he must hold because if he retreats, the only way out is through the ranks of the 16th Georgia on his left. A movement back up the mountain would cause further panic and the Confederates would not be able to hold the gap. Lamar is shot in the leg, a severe painful wound, but he refuses the pleas from his subordinates that they should withdraw. Eventually, Lamar agrees to a withdrawal but only on the condition if he could be help to his feet so he could give the order. His staff helps him but just as he's giving the order, he is mortally wounded in the chest. His men gather around him and begin to retreat back up the mountainside taking with the the 16th Georgia. The Confederate grip on the gap is faltering.

Back up at the Gap, Cobb has placed the Troup Artillery in the gap itself with one gun pointed down the Arnoldstown Road and the other down the Burkittsville Road. Also, the 24th Georgia that had advanced straight down the mountainside and run into the same Confederates retreating up the mountain has the Cobb legion. The Georgians retreated in an orderly manner back up the mountain and took up position along the Burkittsville Road. With the 15th North Carolina along the Arnoldstown Road, the Confederates had created a crossfire zone that Union troops would be advancing through. Unfortunately for the Confederates, the New Jersey Brigade, having just routed the Cobb Legion, continued advancing up the Burkittsville Road. They slam into the right flank of the Georgians causing them to panic and break. The 15th North Carolina withdrawals also back to a line forming in a field directly behind the Arnoldstown Road.

With the Confedrates streaming down the mountian, Cobb is frantically attempting to rally what men he can as the Troup Artillery pours double and triple canister into the oncoming Union forces, now nothing but a disorganized mob. Cobb manages to pull together a line but the weight of the Union attack proves to much and it too his routed and pushed down the mountain side. The Troup Artillery retreats frantically down the Burkittsville road into Pleasant Valley but one of their axles on a gun carriage snaps and they are forced to leave it to Union infantry who are right behind them.

By 6:30, the battle is over. Franklin's Corps has captured Crampton's Gap but this only completes a part of McClellan's orders. Franklin was to advanced to Rohrersville cutting off McLaws from Longstreet and Lee in Boonsboro and essentially relieving the siege at Harper's Ferry. Franklin orders his men to go into bivouac at the gap. McLaws recieving word that the gap has fallen, throws up a defensive line across Pleasant Valley awaiting Franklin's attack. It would never come. The next day, Franklin throws out a strong skirmish line to oppose McLaws and Harper's Ferry falls as a result of Franklin not pushing the issue to completion. When Lee recieved word the Confederates had lost the gap, he becomes depressed and sends out orders to his commanders in Maryland to retreat back into Virginia as quickly as possible. In effect, he has ended the Maryland Campaign. Only a messenger from Stonewall Jackson later on the night of the 14th informing Lee that Harpers Ferry will fall does he regain his composure and issue orders for his army to concentrate along the Antietam Creek near Sharpsburg, Maryland. Three days later, Lee and McClellan would fight the bloodiest single day battle of the Civil War.

The losses at Crampton's Gap were not as heavy as at the two northern gaps near Boonsboro, Maryland but the fight was more decisive. Franklin's VI Corps lost 530 men in the attack up the slopes. The Confederates losses are uncertain but it is estimated their loss totaled 873 men.

This is a battle report by Colonel Edgar B. Montague about the Battle for Crampton's Pass on September 14, 1862. The 32nd Virginia was positioned in support of Captain Basil Manly's battery that had taken up a position near Brownsville Pass about a mile south of Crampton's. Montague writes about what he sees after watching the effectiveness of Manly's fire. Crampton's Gap was essential to the Confederate position of South Mountain because if the 6th Corps of William Franklin punched throught the gap, the portion of the Confederate Army under Lee that was massing around Boonsboro on the 14th would be cut off from retreat into Virginia. Also, the division of Lafayette McLaws would be trapped on Maryland Heights between Franklin and the Union Garrison at Harpers Ferry. So with the fall of Crampton's Gap over half of Lee's Army would be forced to surrender, if it could not escape back across the Potomac. Crampton's Gap would be the battle that would change Lee's Maryland Campaign.


IN THE FIELD NEAR MARTINSBURG, W. VA.,September 25, 1862

Captain E. B. BRIGGS,Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.

SIR: In obedience to orders from division headquarters, I forward the following report of the part sustained by my command at Brownsville [Crampton's] Gap on the 14th instant:
On the evening of the 13th I was ordered by Brigadier-General Semmes to proceed with the Fifteenth Virginia Regiment and my own, and two pieces of Manly's battery, to the top of South Mountain, to watch for and report any advance of the enemy in that direction.
On the morning of the 14th I received a message from Major-General Stuart to the effect that the enemy were advancing in great force, and that I must defend the pass at all hazards, calling for re-enforcements if necessary, should the enemy select in as his point of attack, which, however, he thought doubtful.

At 9 or 10 o'clock the enemy's advance came in sight from the direction of Jefferson, seemingly in great force. At about 11 o'clock they masked most of their force under a hill and wood about 3 miles, and advanced two brigades by the left flank into a field opposite our position. Meantime I had sent to General Semmes for re-enforcements, and he promptly ordered up the Fifty-third Georgia Regiment and three pieces of artillery (rifled), under the command of Captain Macon, two of his own guns, and one of Captain Magruder's. I stationed a picket of about 200 men at the foot of the mountain, near Burkittsville, and a line of skirmishers along my whole front, connecting with Colonel Munford's, on my left. Shortly afterward the enemy threw out a large advance of skirmishers, who steadily advanced toward the base of the mountain, supported by a brigade of infantry, the other brigade remaining at a halt. I ordered Captain Manly to open upon them with his 3-inch rifled gun, which he did so effectually as to check the advance of the skirmishers and cause the advancing brigade to fall back on its reserve, beyond our range.

At about 3 or 4 o'clock, after withdrawing his skirmishers, he moved by the right flank, leaving Burkittsville on his left, formed three strong parallel lines of battle, and started the whole in advance, still leaving an immense force in reserve, and moved with great celerity and perfect order against Crampton's Gap. I was in a position to see every move that was made, and saw at once that, by moving my artillery to the left a few hundred yards, I could bring the advancing host within easy range. This was done, and Macon's, Manly's, and Magruder's guns were played upon the enemy with great effect, time and again their ranks being broken by their deliberate and well-directed fire, the enemy's guns not being able to reach us on account of our elevated position. Captain Macon, the senior artillery officer, managed his guns most handsomely, and he and his juniors are entitled to all the credit of the occasion, if any is due. I was more of a spectator than participant in the action. My infantry force was not engaged, though they were ready and anxious to take part in the conflict.

Our guns continued to play on the enemy until dark, long after our forces at Crampton's Gap had been driven from their position. At least three hundred guns were fired during the evening. At least eight brigades of the enemy were engaged in this fight, and many more were coming up when night closed the scene. I withdrew after dark, by order, and joined the balance of our force on the road just above Brownsville.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

E. B. MONTAGUE,Colonel Thirty-second Virginia Volunteers.